| William Edward Dodd | |
|---|---|
| United States Ambassador to Germany | |
| In office 30 August 1933 – 29 December 1937 |
|
| President | Franklin D. Roosevelt |
| Preceded by | Frederic M. Sackett |
| Succeeded by | Hugh R. Wilson |
| Personal details | |
| Born | October 21, 1869 Clayton, North Carolina |
| Died | February 9, 1940 (aged 70) Round Hill, Loudoun County, Virginia |
| Resting place | Rock Creek Cemetery, Washington, DC |
| Nationality | United States |
| Political party | Democrat |
| Spouse(s) | Martha Ida "Mattie" Johns (m. 1901–1938) |
| Children | William E. Dodd, Jr. ("Bill") b. 1905 Martha Dodd b. 1908 |
| Alma mater | VPISU, BS 1895, MS 1897 University of Leipzig, PhD 1900 |
| Occupation | historian |
| [1] | |
William Edward Dodd (October 21, 1869 - February 9, 1940) was an American historian who served as the United States Ambassador to Germany from 1933 to 1937, during the Nazi era.
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Dodd was born on October 21, 1869, in Clayton, North Carolina. He earned his bachelor's degree from the Virginia Polytechnic Institute (Virginia Tech) in 1895 and a master's degree in 1897. He earned his Ph.D. at the University of Leipzig in 1900.[2] He and his wife, Martha, married on December 25, 1901. They had two children, a daughter, Martha, who became a Communist agent, and a son, William E. Dodd, Jr.[2]
He learned a class-conscious view of Southern history from his family, which taught him that slaveholders were responsible for the Civil War. His semi-literate and impoverished father supported his family only through the generosity of wealthier relatives, whom Dodd came to view as "hard men, those traders and aristocratic masters of their dependents!".[3] Dodd taught history at Randolph–Macon College from 1900 to 1908. His instruction there was at times controversial, because it included attacks on Southern aristocratic values. In 1902, he wrote an article in The Nation in which he complained of pressure to flatter Southern elites and their view that slavery played no role in the onset of the Civil War. He criticized the Grand Camp of Confederate Veterans by name.[4] Confederate societies called for his dismissal. Dodd explained that "To suggest that the revolt from the union in 1860 was not justified, was not led by the most lofty minded statesmen, is to invite not only criticism but an enforced resignation." University administrators supported him and he attacked his accusers and detailed their distortions of Southern history.[5] When recruited by the University of Chicago, he began his 25-year career as Professor of American History there in 1908.[6]
Dodd was the first, and for many years the only, college or university professor fully devoted to the history of the American South.[7] He produced many scholarly works, both articles and books, and won excellent reviews as a teacher.[8] Though much of his scholarship was superseded in later years, he helped to model a new approach to regional history: sympathetic, judicious, and less partisan than the work of earlier generations. In a letter to President Theodore Roosevelt, he described his approach: "The purpose of my studying and writing history is to strike a balance somewhat between the North and the South, but not to offer any defense of any thing."[9]
Dodd wrote a biography of Thomas Jefferson in German.[2] Dodd was a Democrat, active in Chicago politics.[10] In 1912 he wrote speeches for presidential candidate Woodrow Wilson.[11] He became a friend of President Wilson, visited him in the White House frequently, and authored a biography of him, Woodrow Wilson and his Work, that appeared in 1920.[12] He was an early opponent of the theory that German imperialism was solely responsible for World War I.[2] He gave speeches on behalf of Wilson and U.S. participation in the League of Nations, and in 1920 he reviewed the League-related parts of the speech Ohio Governor James M. Cox gave when accepting the Democratic nomination for the presidency.[13] In the 1920s, following Wilson's death, Dodd lectured on his administration and its accomplishments, revised the biography he had written, and co-edited the six-volumes of The Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson. He wrote in defense of Wilson for both scholarly journals and the popular press. Through these efforts, he developed connections to a number of figures in the Democratic Party establishment, including Josephus Daniels, Daniel C. Roper, and Edward M. House.
Dodd held several positions as an officer of the American Historical Association and was named the organization's president for 1934.[14]
Dodd long planned to write a multi-volume history of the American South. As he reached his sixties, he found the prospect of completing it increasingly unlikely, given his academic responsibilities.[15]
The Roosevelt administration had difficulty filling the post of U.S. Ambassador to Germany. The volatile political situation in Germany presented diplomatic challenges, but most observers expected German politics would stabilize before too long. The ambassadorship, normally a patronage position rather than one filled by a State Department professional, was offered to others, including James M. Cox and Newton D. Baker, both of whom declined citing personal reasons.[16] With the administration under pressure to act before the adjournment of Congress, Secretary of Commerce Daniel C. Roper, a longtime friend of Dodd and his family, suggested his name[17] after Dodd himself had made it clear he was seeking a diplomatic post that would allow him sufficient free time to complete his multi-volume history.[18]
President Roosevelt offered Dodd the position on June 8, 1933, and sent the Senate his nomination to be U.S. Ambassador to Germany on June 10, 1933.[10] He was confirmed the same day.[19] Before his departure, Dodd's old friend Carl Sandburg told him he needed "to find out what this man Hitler is made of, what makes his brain go round, what his blood and bones are made of" and still "be brave and truthful, keep your poetry and integrity."[20] He left for Germany on July 5, 1933, accompanied by his wife and two adult children. His departure statements said:[21]
The realities of the American past as well as the dilemma of the present reconcile me to the adventure I am about to undertake. Germany can hardly fail to realize the importance of friendly cooperation with the 120,000,000 people of the United States, and the United States can hardly fail to realize the value of social and economic cooperation with the land of Luther, Stein and Bismarck. Though difficulties lie ahead, one can hardly think that an honest, frank mission to Berlin can fail of good result.
Before his departure for Berlin, State Department officials set as his priority the need to ensure that the German government did not default on its debts to American lenders. Dodd met with a group of bankers in New York City who recognized that economic conditions in Germany made full payment unlikely. They hoped he could argue against a German default and suggested they would agree to lower the interest on their loans form 7% to 4% to prevent it.[22] National City Bank and Chase National Bank held over 100 million dollars in German bonds, which Germany later proposed to pay back at the rate of thirty-cents on the dollar. Dodd was not sympathetic to the bankers or the high interest rates they charged.[23] He repeatedly registered protests with the German government when payments were suspended or debts to United States lenders were treated differently from debts owed to those in other countries. Yet he remained fundamentally in sympathy with Germany's request that interest rates be lowered. As Secretary of State Hull insisted that Dodd renew his requests for payment, Dodd expressed frustration in his diary: "What more can I say than I have said a score of times? Germany is in a terrible plight and for once she recognizes war is no remedy."[24]
Before leaving to take up his post, Dodd consulted on the situation in Germany, and especially Nazi persecution of the Jews, with his own contacts and during interviews the State Department arranged for him. The opinions he heard covered a broad range. Charles Richard Crane, a plumbing industry tycoon and philanthropist, expressed great admiration for Hitler.[25] As for the Jews, Crane said: "Let Hitler have his way."[26] Some of the State Department's most senior officials harbored an outright dislike of Jews, including William Phillips, Undersecretary of State, the second highest-ranking man in the department.[27] Dodd met with members of the Jewish-American community, including Stephen S. Wise and Felix Warburg, who asked him to seek a reversal of the Nazi's repressive anti-Jewish policies. Dodd promised he would "exert all possible personal influence against unjust treatment" of German Jews, but not in his official capacity.[28]
President Roosevelt advised him on June 16, 1933:[29]
The German authorities are treating Jews shamefully and the Jews in this country are greatly excited. But this is also not a government affair. We can do nothing except for American citizens who happen to be made victims. We must protect them, and whatever we can do to moderate the general persecution by unofficial and personal influence ought to be done.
Edward M. House, a veteran in Democratic Party circles since the Wilson administration, told Dodd that he should do what he could "to ameliorate Jewish sufferings," but cautioned, "the Jews should not be allowed to dominate economic or intellectual life in Berlin as they have done for a long time."[30] Dodd shared House's views and wrote in his diary that "The Jews had held a great many more of the key positions in Germany than their numbers or talents entitled them to."[31] Based on this view of the proper role of Jews in society, he advised Hitler in March 1934 that Jewish influence should be restrained in Germany as it was in the United States. "I explained to him [Hitler]" wrote Dodd, "that where a question of over-activity of Jews in university or official life made trouble, we had managed to redistribute the offices in such a way as to not give great offense." Hitler ignored Dodd's advice and responded that "if they [the Jews] continue their activity we shall make a complete end of them in this country."[32]
Dodd tried without success to save the life of Helmut Hirsch, an German-American Jew who planned to bomb parts of the Nazi party rally grounds at Nuremberg.
On October 5, 1933, Dodd gave a speech in Berlin in which he described the New Deal programs in the following way: "It was not revolution as men are prone to say. It was a popular expansion of governmental powers beyond all constitutional grants; and nearly all men everywhere hope the President may succeed."
The German government's treatment of United States citizens created a series of crises during Dodd's tenure as ambassador. Edgar Ansel Mowrer, a reporter for the Chicago Daily News and president of the Foreign Press Association in Berlin published a book-length attack on the Nazis, Germany Puts the Clock Back, and continued his critical coverage until the government demanded his resignation as head of the Association. The U.S. State Department ignored the government's demand that it arrange for his return to the U.S. When Mowrer's employers arranged for him to leave and he sought to stay to cover the September 1933 Nuremberg rally, Dodd refused to support him, believing his reporting was so provocative that it made it difficult for other American journalists to work.[33]
On October 12, 1933, Dodd gave a speech to the American Chamber of Commerce in Berlin, with Joseph Goebbels and Alfred Rosenberg in attendance, and used an elaborate analogy based on Roman history to criticize the Nazis as "half-educated statesmen" who adopted the "arbitrary modes" of an ancient tyrant.[34] His views grew more critical and pessimistic with the Night of the Long Knives in June-July 1934, when the Nazis killed prominent political opponents many dissenters within the Nazi movement. Dodd was one of the very few in the U.S. and European diplomatic community who reported that the Nazis were too strongly entrenched for any opposition to emerge.[35] In May 1935 he reported to his State Department superiors that Hitler intended "to annex part of the Corridor, part of Czechoslovakia, and all of Austria." A few months later he predicted a German-Italian alliance.[36] Feeling ineffectual, Dodd offered to resign, but Roosevelt allowed him only a recuperative visit to the U.S. The President wrote to U.S Ambassador to Italy Breckinridge Long in September 1935 that he and Dodd had been "far more accurate in your pessimism for the past two years than any of my other friends in Europe." In a note to Assistant Secretary of State R. Walton Moore that same month, he wrote of Dodd: "we most certainly do not want him to consider resigning. I need him in Berlin."[37] Dodd reported to Secretary of State Hull in September 1936 that Hitler's domestic economic policies, rearmament, and Rhineland initiatives had consolidated his support to the point that he could count on the support of the German people for a declaration of war "in any measure he might undertake."[38]
Following a U.S. vacation of several months in 1936, Dodd devoted the fall to testing German reaction to a personal meeting between Roosevelt and Hitler, an initiative the President proposed, or a world peace conference. After a series of rebuffs, Dodd produced a report for the State Department dated November 28, 1936, that Assistant Secretary Moore commended and forwarded to Roosevelt. He decried the tendency of Europeans to refuse to believe that Hitler meant to carry out the expansionist plans he had outlined in Mein Kampf. He described Hitler's success in outmaneuvering France and Great Britain diplomatically and forging ties with Italy and Spain. Assessing the current situation he wrote: "there does not appear to be any vital force or combination of forces which will materially impede Germany in pursuit of her ambitions."[39]
Many in the State Department, had reservations about Dodd's suitability for the job. He was neither a political figure of the sort normally honored with such a prestigious appointment, nor a member of the social elite that formed the higher ranks for the Foreign Service. In Berlin some of his subordinates were embarrassed by his insistence on living modestly, walking unaccompanied in the street, leaving formal receptions so early as to appear rude. Dodd considered his insistence on living on his $17,500 annual salary a point of pride and criticized the posh life style of other embassy officials.[40]
Early in his tenure as ambassador, Dodd decided to avoid attending the annual Nazi Party rally in Nuremberg rather than appear to endorse Hitler's regime. In 1933, the State Department left the decision to him, and other ambassadors, including those of France and Great Britain, adopted a similar policy.[41] As the Nazi Party became indistinguishable from the government, however, the State Department preferred that Dodd attend and avoid giving offense to the German government. State Department pressure increased each year until Dodd determined to avoid attending in 1937 by arranging a visit to the United States at the time of the rally. His advice against sending a representative of the U.S. embassy to attend the September 1937 Nazi Party congress in Nuremberg was overridden by his State Department superiors, and the State Department allowed its overruling of Dodd's position to become public.[42] Hitler expressed his pleasure with the attendance of the U.S., Great Britain, and France for the first time, recognizing it as an "innovation" in policy.[43]
Dodd considered resigning several times, beginning as early as July 1934. His health declined seriously by 1936 and his clear antagonism to the German government increased his personal sense of defeat.[44] During the 1936 U.S. election campaign, Dodd wrote a public letter warning that the defeat of Roosevelt's programs would produce a fascist dictatorship financed by an American billionaire: "There are individuals of great wealth who wish a dictatorship....There are politicians who think they may gain powers like those exercised in Europe. One man, I have been told by friends, who owns nearly a billion dollars, is ready to support such a program and, of course, control it."[45][44][46] Several Senators called for him to be recalled from Germany and Senator William Borah called him "an irresponsible scandalmonger."[45][44] He supported Roosevelt's attempt to enlarge the membership of the Supreme Court, arguing that courts need to be responsive to popular wishes if the United States were to avoid totalitarian impulses.[42] Consistent in interpreting American institutions in terms of their place on the aristocratic-democratic continuum, he viewed the Supreme Court as an aristocratic institution in need of an infusion of democracy. When he expressed these views in letters to senators, they reacted angrily and newspapers called for Dodd's resignation.[47][44] Roosevelt told Dodd he was "frankly delighted" with the letter,[44] but the public dispute embarrassed President Roosevelt and gave Dodd's enemies in the State Department an opportunity to press for his removal.[48]
President Roosevelt, reacting to complaints about Dodd's effectiveness as well as his health, notified the State Department in April 1937 that he was prepared to see Dodd's tenure end September 1. Then Dodd, on his arrival in the U.S. in August said that "the basic objective of some powers in Europe is to frighten and even destroy democracies everywhere," provoking a formal protest on the part of the German Ambassador to the U.S. Given that exchange, the State Department determined that it was more important that Dodd return to Germany than to allow his resignation to appear a response to German protests. Dodd left a resignation letter and suggested the following March as a suitable date. In September, his dispute with the State Department over U.S. diplomatic presence at the Nuremberg rallies became public.[49] The German government told the State Department that Dodd could no longer function in Berlin.[50] Dodd was surprised when told in November to prepare to depart by the end of the year.[51] His resignation was announced in December.[46]
Dodd left Berlin without notifying the press.[52] The New York Times reported that upon arriving in New York on January 6, 1938, he said that he "doubted if an American envoy who held his ideals of democracy could represent his country successfully among the Germans at the present time."[53] The German government said his remarks demonstrated "the retiring ambassador's habitual lack of comprehension of the new Germany."[54] Hitler said he felt "vivid satisfaction" with Dodd's replacement, career diplomat, Hugh R. Wilson, and Time magazine wrote:[55]
Germans particularly criticized the seedy air and ill-fitting clothes of Professor Dodd. They highly approved the arrival of Ambassador Wilson in faultless full dress, white tie and the black waistcoat correct in Europe on such occasions. Der Führer, although he addresses the Reichstag and makes nearly all his public appearances in the khaki of a simple Storm Trooper, received Ambassador Wilson dressed exactly like him.
In a speech at the Nuremberg Congress the following September, Nazi Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels denounced Dodd by name for his "laments on the decay of German culture."[56]
In 1937, Dodd stepped down as Ambassador in Berlin and President Roosevelt appointed a senior professional diplomat to replace him.[57] After leaving his State Department post, he campaigned to warn against the dangers posed by Germany, Italy, and Japan, and detailed racial and religious persecution in Germany.[2] He predicted German aggression against Austria, Czechoslovakia, and Poland.[52] Dodd, who was in failing health, traveled on a speaking tour of Canada and the US, establishing his reputation as a statesman who opposed the Nazis.[58]
In 1938, Dodd wrote an assessment of Nazi ideology and the Third Reich's plan for Europe. He stated:[59]
[S]everal policies were adopted during the first two years of the Nazi regime. The first was to suppress the Jews.... They were to hold no positions in University or government operations, own no land, write nothing for newspapers, gradually give up their personal business relations, be imprisoned and many of them killed.... [The Primer] betrays no indication of the propaganda activities of the Nazi government. And of course there is not a word in it to warn the unwary reader that all the people who might oppose the regime have been absolutely silenced. The central idea behind it is to make the rising generation worship their chief and get ready to "save civilization" from the Jews, from Communism and from democracy -- thus preparing the way for a Nazified world where all freedom of the individual, of education, and of the churches is to be totally suppressed.
A volume of his planned four-volume history of the South appeared in 1938 as The Old South: Struggles for Democracy, covering the 17th century.[60]
Dodd's wife died in May 1938.[61]
In December of 1938, Dodd accidentally ran over a 4-year-old child and then fled the scene. The child, who was African-American, sustained severe injuries, but survived the ordeal.[62] Dodd was subsequently charged with leaving the scene of an accident. Dodd was convicted, and the trial court fined Dodd $250 plus court costs. Dodd also paid over $1000 for the child’s medical bills.[63]
After a year's illness, Dodd died on February 9, 1940, at his country home at Round Hill, Loudoun County, Virginia.[2]
In April 1946, during the Nuremberg trials, Dodd's diaries were used as evidence against Hjalmar Schacht, a liberal economist and banker, and a Nazi government official until the end of 1937. Schacht praised Dodd's character but suggested his views in the 1930s were tainted by his less than fluent German.[64] He testified that Dodd was his friend and invited him to emigrate to the United States. Schacht's attorney described Dodd as "one of the few accredited diplomats in Berlin who very obviously had no sympathy of any sort for the regime in power".[65]
Assessments of Dodd's service in Berlin vary considerably, colored by what another ambassador might have accomplished. Hull in his Memoirs described Dodd as "sincere though impulsive and inexperienced."[66] Dodd felt himself a failure both during his ambassadorship and after, having set himself the impossible standard of "changing the Third Reich by example and persuasion."[67] Historian Gerhard Weinberg believes no other ambassador to Nazi Germany was more effective, "even if some were more popular and others better informed." He reports the assessment of George S. Messersmith, the embassy's consul general who worked closely with Dodd, who wrote that "there were very few men who realized what was happening in Germany more thoroughly " than Dodd, who proved ineffective because he "was completely appalled by what was happening."[68] Historian Franklin L. Ford faults Dodd for failing to provide "concrete intelligence concerning immediate Nazi objectives and power" as his peers were providing their superiors in London and Paris. He faults as well Dodd's nostalgic view of the Germany of his student years and centuries past that enabled him to view German anti-Semitism as a Nazi phenomenon driven personally by Hitler without recognizing its deeper roots in German society.[69] A harsh critic of FDR's foreign policy called Dodd "a tragic misfit", "a babe-in-the-woods in the dark forests of Berlin."[70]
| Diplomatic posts | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by Frederic M. Sackett |
United States Ambassador to Germany 30 August 1933–29 December 1937 |
Succeeded by Hugh R. Wilson |